Lukashenko begins his seventh term by borrowing an idea from Díaz-Canel: “Half the world dreams of our dictatorship.”

The Belarusian dictator defended his regime as a model of effective dictatorship, similar to Miguel Díaz-Canel's rhetoric in Cuba. Both allies challenge Western democracies in a context of wars, repression, and strategic alliances with Russia.


The president of Belarus, Alexander Lukashenko, began his seventh consecutive term on Tuesday following an inauguration ceremony at the Independence Palace in Minsk.

In office since 1994, Lukashenko will extend his rule until at least 2030, amidst accusations of electoral fraud, repression of the opposition, and international isolation.

During his speech, the leader adopted a triumphant and defiant tone, using a phrase that has drawn comparisons to his ideological ally, the Cuban ruler Miguel Díaz-Canel.

“Half of the world dreams of a supposed dictatorship like the one in our country”, declared Lukashenko. He added that it is “a dictatorship based on facts and the interests of our people”.

The statement clearly echoes remarks made by Díaz-Canel, who in 2021 claimed that Cuba is a "rare dictatorship" because it guarantees social rights, denies having children in prison, and has institutions elected by the people.

“They call us a tyranny or dictatorship, but we are the most democratic country in this world”, the leader also stated in December of that year before the National Assembly, appointed in 2018 by General Raúl Castro to "lead" the so-called "continuity".

Both leaders resort to a rhetorical strategy that involves reinterpreting the term "dictatorship" as an efficient, sovereign, and just form of government in contrast to Western democratic models that they view as hypocritical.

Lukashenko's speech occurs in a context of increasing repression and isolation. The elections held on January 26, in which he obtained 86.82% of the votes according to official figures, have been heavily criticized by the opposition, international organizations, and Western governments.

The massive protests that shook the country following the 2020 elections were labeled by the leader as “riots” funded by American agencies such as USAID and NED, which he accused of promoting “color revolutions.”

Cuba rejects external interference against the sovereignty and self-determination of Belarus. "We reiterate our solidarity with the legitimate president of that country, Alexander Lukashenko, and the brotherly Belarusian people," Díaz-Canel wrote on his social media during those days.

During his inauguration this Tuesday, Lukashenko also stated that "press freedom is in order" in Belarus and that his country has "more democracy than those who proclaim themselves its defenders".

This type of message is part of a narrative established in authoritarian regimes that seek to legitimize their hold on power through the discourse of an external enemy, the defense of national sovereignty, and the rejection of international criticism.

The comparison with Cuba is not accidental. Both governments maintain close political and economic relations and share a common worldview defined by anti-Americanism, state control over society, and the criminalization of dissent.

In both cases, the concept of "the people" is used instrumentally to justify authoritarianism as a collective will, and any criticism is presented as an external threat funded by foreign powers.

In addition to claiming his "victory of the people," Lukashenko accused the opposition of "selling out the homeland in exchange for scholarships" and of "asking their masters for sanctions and bombs." He stated that the recent crises, including the pandemic, protests, and the economic situation, are the result of the "global games" of those who seek to "dictate their will to everyone." His goal, he said, is to prevent these ideas from being used "to destroy" the country.

The leadership model represented by both Lukashenko and Díaz-Canel seems to seek legitimacy not through electoral transparency or respect for human rights, but rather through a heroic narrative of national resistance. However, this discourse is increasingly struggling to convince both within and beyond their borders, where repression, massive emigration, and impoverishment contradict the official narrative.

Strategic alliance between Cuba and Belarus: Military and economic cooperation

The relationship between Cuba and Belarus has consolidated in recent years, encompassing areas such as military cooperation and economic exchanges. Both countries, governed by authoritarian regimes, have found in their alliance a way to strengthen their positions on the international stage.

Rising military cooperation

In May 2023, it was announced that Belarus would train Cuban military personnel, as reported by Valery Revenko, head of the International Military Cooperation Department of the Belarusian Ministry of Defense. This agreement highlights the intention of both countries to strengthen their ties in the field of defense.

In addition, in November 2023, it was revealed that the Cuban regime expressed interest in acquiring Belarusian weaponry, specifically Polonez missile launchers with a range of up to 300 kilometers. This move reflects Cuba's intention to modernize its military capability despite the internal economic crisis.

Economic exchanges and trade agreements

Economic cooperation has also been a pillar of the bilateral relationship. In December 2021, it was reported that Belarus would supply Cuba with agricultural machinery, cars, and spare parts in exchange for medications produced by the Cuban pharmaceutical industry. This barter agreement highlights the complementarity that both regimes seek in their economies.

More recently, in December 2024, the Cuban government explored the possibility of acquiring engines from the Minsk Engine Plant (MMZ) to enhance its agricultural sector. The Cuban ambassador in Belarus, Santiago Pérez Benítez, emphasized the strategic importance of this cooperation, although the payment method was not specified, suggesting the continuation of barter agreements.

High-level visits and strengthening of ties

Visits by high-ranking officials have been frequent. In March 2024, the Cuban regime welcomed the First Deputy Minister of Defense of Belarus, Viktor Vladimirovich Gulevich, marking the second visit by a high-ranking Belarusian military official to the island in less than two months. These encounters reflect the priority that both governments place on their bilateral relationship.

This strategic alliance between Cuba and Belarus, built on common interests and a shared vision of the international order, continues to evolve, demonstrating the willingness of both regimes to strengthen their ties in various areas.

A functional alliance with Moscow: Cuba and Belarus as pieces on the Russian geopolitical chessboard

The increasing closeness between the regimes of Havana and Minsk cannot be understood outside the geopolitical strategy of the Kremlin. Both Cuba and Belarus serve as key players in Russia's projection of power in two crucial regions: Latin America and the Caribbean, in contrast to the United States, and Eastern Europe, on the border with NATO.

Belarus has been, for years, Moscow's main regional ally and its most reliable military satellite in Europe. Lukashenko has allowed the deployment of troops, weaponry, and Russian missile systems on its territory, including tactical nuclear weapons since 2023. His subordination to Putin was evident during the invasion of Ukraine, when Belarus became a logistical support platform for Russian forces.

Cuba, for its part, continues to play a symbolic yet effective role for the Kremlin in the Western Hemisphere. Although the Cuban government has avoided explicitly condemning the war in Ukraine, it has maintained a position aligned with Russia in international forums, refusing to support sanctions or resolutions that challenge the invasion. This stance has secured it political support, debt forgiveness, and renewed energy agreements with Moscow.

The alliance between Cuba and Belarus, strengthened in recent years, also fits into this framework: a network of autocratic countries collaborating with each other, under the protection or inspiration of Moscow, in an attempt to counterbalance Western influence and challenge the liberal international order.

From the Russian perspective, fostering military cooperation between Havana and Minsk, promoting technological exchanges, or facilitating arms agreements not only consolidates its sphere of influence, but also sows seeds of tension and challenge in strategic regions.

The strengthening of relations between Cuba and Belarus, then, is not merely a coincidence between like-minded regimes, but rather a dynamic that fits into a logic of blocs, where Russia acts as the facilitator of alliances among authoritarian governments that share geopolitical interests, propaganda strategies, and common enemies.

In this context, Lukashenko's discourse on the "good dictatorship" dreamed of by other nations, emulating Díaz-Canel, is not merely a rhetorical device: it is part of a transnational narrative designed to legitimize the permanence in power, delegitimize liberal democracies, and foster a shared identity among regimes allied with Moscow.

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Iván León

Degree in Journalism. Master's in Diplomacy and International Relations from the Diplomatic School of Madrid. Master's in International Relations and European Integration from the UAB.

Iván León

Degree in Journalism. Master's in Diplomacy and International Relations from the Diplomatic School of Madrid. Master's in International Relations and European Integration from the UAB.