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Recent statements from former Cuban spy René González, a member of the well-known Avispa Network, have rekindled the debate regarding the legal proceedings against former Minister of Economy Alejandro Gil Fernández, currently under investigation for offenses including espionage, embezzlement, and money laundering.
In an extensive post published on social media, González called for the trial to be “public, open, and transparent,” a demand that, coming from such an emblematic figure of the Cuban intelligence system, highlights the internal cracks of the regime and the crisis of credibility of its judicial apparatus.
González, one of the five spies convicted in the United States in 1998 for infiltrating exile organizations, still holds a symbolic role within the Cuban establishment. His voice, carefully measured, often surfaces when the regime needs to create the appearance of internal debate or to send messages aimed at the critical sectors of the system itself.
This time, his intervention comes amid a widespread atmosphere of distrust towards the Attorney General's Office and the judicial system, which are keeping the details of the proceedings against Gil Fernández completely under wraps.
The former minister was dismissed in February 2024, and a few months later, the Prosecutor's Office confirmed the opening of a case due to "serious irregularities." Since then, the regime has launched an intense media campaign, showcasing the case as proof of its alleged fight against corruption.
However, the lack of verifiable information, the secrecy of the process, and the sudden criminalization of a high-ranking official who for years was considered "one of the most loyal figures" of Miguel Díaz-Canel, fuel the perception that the trial is, in fact, a settling of scores within the power structure.
González's intervention, although cloaked in institutional caution, introduces an uncomfortable element for the regime. By recalling the "presumption of innocence" and demanding a transparent process, the former spy hints at the lack of procedural guarantees in Cuba.
His text even mentions that “we are not in a position to ask people to believe out of faith,” a phrase that, while not breaking with orthodoxy, points to the absolute discrediting of institutions.
But González is careful not to go too far: in the same publication, he urges not to "shoot at each other in the same trench," reminding that his loyalty to the system remains intact.
This duality is characteristic of the discourse that the regime allows certain spokespersons. In recent years, figures such as González himself or the troubadour Israel Rojas from Buena Fe have introduced expressions from the oppositional language into the public debate —such as "internal blockade"— to create an appearance of controlled self-criticism.
In reality, it is a communication strategy devised by Cuban counterintelligence: to channel social discontent within safe limits, simulate plurality, and prevent criticism from turning into challenges to the core of power.
A judicial system at the service of political control
The case of Gil Fernández starkly illustrates the nature of the Cuban judicial system. In Cuba, there is no separation of powers: the Prosecutor's Office, the courts, and State Security answer to the same political command structure.
High-profile judicial cases are often control operations aimed at disciplining mid-level officials, cleaning the government's image, or covering up scandals that involve higher figures in power.
The secrecy surrounding this process reflects a historical pattern. In 1989, the infamous Cases 1 and 2 —which resulted in the execution of General Arnaldo Ochoa and other military officers— were used to reaffirm the authority of Fidel Castro amid suspicions of corruption and drug trafficking within the Armed Forces.
Today, the Gil Fernández case serves a similar purpose: to project an image of institutional rigor amid a devastating economic crisis and growing public discontent.
While Gil's family insists on the ex-minister's innocence and demands an open trial, official propaganda works hard to present him as a symbol of internal corruption. Without public evidence or known witnesses, the regime expects the people to believe by decree, repeating the old script of exemplary processes.
In that context, René González's words, although calculated, confirm that even within the government ranks there is an awareness of the weariness and the danger involved in continuing to hide the rot within the system.
Ultimately, their call for "transparency" is not aimed at dismantling the regime, but rather saving it from itself. However, the fact that a former spy from the Red Avispa is compelled to publicly demand procedural guarantees is already a sign of how far the judicial machinery of Castroism has lost all credibility, even among its own.
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