Alejandra Franganillo, a Cuban-born political analyst and former intern in the office of then-Senator Marco Rubio, now Secretary of State, expressed a viewpoint in an interview with Tania Costa, in CiberCuba, that she acknowledged as controversial. In her opinion, a democratic transition in Cuba cannot preclude those who supported or were part of the Castro regime, as long as they have not committed crimes.
Franganillo, born in San Juan, Puerto Rico, into a family of Cuban origin, and a member of the Cuba Study Group in Washington D.C., outlined a sequence for change on the island: first, economic stabilization; next, the building of a civil society that evolves into institutions; and only then, a formal democratic transition.
"It is not just an economic recovery; rather, it is about first allowing the economy to lead us to a stage of stabilization, creating a civil society, transforming that civil society into institutions, and only then discussing a democratic transition when the foundations are in place, when the culture is there, when the knowledge is present," he stated.
Regarding whether that process can occur with Castroism still in place, she was clear: "That transition towards stabilization and recovery is something we will undertake with or without the Castros, or with Castroism, because there could also be others among them."
To support his argument, he cited the example of Chile, where the current constitution is that of Pinochet, which "unfortunately has guarantees for the oppressors," and yet that country transitioned to democracy.
"In Chile, there are still people and bases that support Pinochet. And in Cuba, there will be bases that will still support the revolution," he said, concluding: "Democracy means the inclusion of everyone, and sometimes we have to include people we do not agree with."
However, Franganillo was categorical in drawing a red line between supporters and repressors. "To create a true transition, those who caused harm and horrors must pay and face the weight of the law," she maintained.
As a model of justice, he proposed truth commissions, citing the Colombian experience. "What is very important is that the historical memory remains; that there are truth commissions like the one in Colombia."
The analyst emphasized the urgency of guarantees for those who have suffered under the regime. "There must be a guarantee, and there must be peace for all the people who have suffered, especially those political prisoners who have been held for 5, 10, 15... well, I don’t know how long, in those conditions simply for thinking differently."
The distinction made by Franganillo separates those who engaged in active repression—who must be held accountable under the law—from those who were merely members of the Communist Party or supporters of the revolution without having committed crimes, whom he considers integrable into a democratic Cuba.
His statements come in a context of intense pressure from the Trump-Rubio administration against the Cuban regime. In recent months, Rubio announced sanctions against 12 Cuban officials and seven military and security entities, including GAESA, in a package that adds to the dozens of sanctions accumulated since January 2025.
Franganillo, who did his internship in Rubio's office when he was a senator, represents a voice that, from that same political environment, introduces nuances on how post-Castro Cuba should be constructed: with trials for the repressors, but without excluding those who simply believed in the revolution.
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