Related videos:
Miguel Díaz-Canel presented this week what the official apparatus describes as a comprehensive economic transformation program aimed at pulling the country out of its worst crisis in decades.
However, after several hours of statements and a series of announcements disseminated by the , it remains unclear what measures have actually been approved, when they will come into effect, and how they will be implemented.
The leader spoke about municipal autonomy, business autonomy, openness to foreign investment, participation of Cubans residing abroad, flexibility for MIPYMES, agricultural reform, changes in foreign trade, reduction of subsidies, and a future salary reform.
On paper, it seems to be one of the most ambitious packages announced by the regime in years. But the problem arises when trying to find the details.
Throughout the intervention, expressions such as "a set of measures", "a set of actions", "a set of provisions", "more than twenty topics", "authorities that will be granted", "transformations that are proposed", or "actions that are being evaluated" are repeated.
What is lacking are the decrees, the dates, the figures, and the specific execution mechanisms. Not one of the announced central reforms was accompanied by a public timeline.
It was not reported when municipalities will be able to import and export directly. Nor when the promised currency exchange market with the participation of state enterprises and other economic actors will begin to operate.
It was not explained when the salary reform will be implemented or which subsidies will be eliminated first as part of the announced transition from product subsidies to targeted subsidies for vulnerable individuals.
The absence of details is particularly striking because many of the announcements had already appeared previously in official speeches.
Municipal autonomy, the expansion of powers for state-owned enterprises, the easing of restrictions for foreign investment, the economic inclusion of the diaspora, and the need to reduce bureaucracy have been recurring themes in Díaz-Canel's speeches in recent months.
They now reappear grouped within a supposed comprehensive program for 2026, but without the specific regulations that will make them possible still being known.
Even in the aspects that could be considered more innovative, significant questions remain.
The leader assured that Cuban citizens residing abroad will be able to participate "on equal terms" alongside other economic actors. However, he did not clarify whether they will be able to establish private companies, acquire equity stakes, access real estate for productive purposes, or freely repatriate profits.
Something similar happens with the promised business autonomy. Díaz-Canel stated that state-owned enterprises will be able to export, import, retain foreign currency, design salary systems, and select suppliers without intermediaries. However, he did not explain which organizations will lose control over these decisions or what legal changes will be necessary to bring such a level of autonomy to fruition.
In the agricultural sector, the same pattern repeats itself. There are promises of fewer idle lands, increased access to supplies, greater participation of foreign investment, and more freedom for producers. These are objectives that have been part of the official economic discourse for years, while national food production continues to struggle to recover.
The main political novelty of the package seems to be the implicit recognition that the current model fails to generate sufficient growth. Díaz-Canel repeatedly emphasized the need to create wealth before it can be distributed and advocated for expanding opportunities for private, cooperative, state, and foreign actors.
However, the speech avoids any assessment of the outcomes of previous reforms or the internal causes that have contributed to the economic deterioration.
The central explanation continues to rest on the pressure from the United States, the tightening of sanctions, and the difficulties in accessing fuel, financing, and investment. Although these factors have a real impact on the Cuban economy, the leader devoted much more time to describing external threats than to providing concrete indicators that would allow for an assessment of the future effectiveness of the announced measures.
And therein probably lies the main weakness of the announcement.
More than an economic program with measurable objectives, defined timelines, and verifiable mechanisms, what has been presented seems like a statement of intentions. A set of promises whose effectiveness will depend on regulatory decisions that are still unknown and that, for now, remain awaiting approval.
The question that remains unanswered is not what the government wants to do. That has become relatively clear.
The true question is whether these reforms will be effectively implemented or if they will end up adding to the long list of announced transformations over the years that never materialized into a tangible improvement for the economy or the daily lives of Cubans.
Filed under: