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The President of Ukraine, Volodimir Zelenski, urged European leaders this Saturday to establish their own Armed Forces in order to ensure the continent's security against Russia and gain independence in geopolitical decision-making, reducing reliance on the United States.
"Now is the time to create the Armed Forces of Europe," stated Zelenski at the Munich Security Conference (MSC). In his speech, he emphasized the necessity for the future of the continent to "depend solely on Europeans," highlighting the importance of greater strategic autonomy for the European Union.
The Ukrainian leader criticized the recent stance of the American president, Donald Trump, who, according to him, did not mention Europe’s role in the negotiations between Ukraine and Russia during a phone call. "Europe must have a seat at the table where its future is decided," he insisted.
In line with the sentiments expressed by several European leaders at the same conference, Zelenski warned about the way the U.S. has conducted contacts with Russia and Ukraine without involving the European Union and its member states. "No decision on Ukraine without Ukraine; no decision on Europe without Europe," he emphasized.
The Ukrainian head of state urged European leaders to establish a unified military force that would enable the U.S. to perceive Europe not just as a market, but as a strategically significant ally. In his message to the Secretary General of NATO, Mark Rutte, he affirmed that this force is not intended to replace the Atlantic Alliance, but to match Europe's contributions with those of Washington.
Zelenski's statements come amid a context of rising international tension. Trump recently claimed that Ukraine is ready to reach a peace agreement with Russia, raising concerns in Kyiv about a potential negotiation without their involvement. Furthermore, the U.S. president has expressed his interest in Russia rejoining the G7, which has been viewed with suspicion by European allies.
On the other hand, Russian President Vladimir Putin surprised many by inviting Trump to a meeting in Moscow, which many analysts interpret as an attempt to strengthen ties between the two powers without considering the impact on Ukraine and the EU. Zelensky, for his part, has made it clear that he will not accept any agreement that does not directly involve Ukraine.
Moreover, the situation on the ground remains tense. Zelenski has reported that Russia attacked a Ukrainian nuclear plant with drones, which poses a serious threat to energy security and regional stability.
"If not Brussels, then Moscow. It is your decision," warned Zelensky, appealing to the unity of the EU to address the continent's security challenges.
For its significance, CiberCuba shares the full text of Zelensky's speech at the MSC:
At the Munich Security Conference, I stressed that European policy should not only be promising but should also make the United States want to support a strong Europe. Europe must confidently decide its own future, so that others have no choice but to respect its power.
The night before Munich, a Russian drone attacked the sarcophagus covering the ruined fourth reactor of the Chernobyl nuclear power plant. It was a Shahed drone, modified by Russia with Iranian technology, carrying at least 50 kg of explosives.
We consider this to be a deeply symbolic gesture on the part of Russia. Recently, in Ukraine, we discussed nuclear energy as a crucial factor for energy security, despite Russia’s constant attacks. We are preparing to expand the Khmelnytskyi nuclear power plant with the involvement of American companies, including Westinghouse. This will enhance not only Ukraine's energy security but also that of all Europe.
We also spoke with President Trump and his team about the Zaporizhia nuclear power plant, the largest in Europe, which is currently occupied by Russia. And what was Russia's response? A drone attack on the Chernobyl sarcophagus, which contains radioactive dust and debris.
It’s not about madness, but rather Russia’s position. A country that launches this type of attack does not want peace; it is not preparing for dialogue. Almost every day, Russia sends up to 100 Shahed drones, in addition to ballistic missile attacks and an increasing number of airstrikes with bombs. But that’s not all.
This year, Moscow plans to create 15 new divisions, which means 150,000 soldiers, more than all the armies of most European countries. Russia is opening new military recruitment centers every week, and Putin can afford it: oil prices remain high enough for him to disregard the world.
We have clear information: this summer, Russia plans to send troops to Belarus under the pretext of "training exercises." This is exactly how they organized their forces before the large-scale invasion of Ukraine. Is this Russian force intended to attack Ukraine? Perhaps. Or maybe... it is meant for you.
Let us not forget: Belarus borders three NATO countries and has become a Russian military stronghold. Putin and Lukashenko acknowledge that Belarus now houses prohibited weapons: medium-range missiles and even nuclear arms. Putin sees Belarus as another Russian province.
If someone is preparing a military launch platform, what should we do about it? And more importantly, what can we do before the next attack? There have already been provocations at the borders of Poland and Lithuania, where organized migration crises by Russian intelligence services have been used to incite chaos. But what will happen if next time it’s not about migrants? What if it involves Russian or North Korean troops?
Let’s not deceive ourselves: North Koreans are not weak. They are learning to fight in a modern war. What about their armies? Are they prepared? If Russia launches a false flag operation or invades from Belarus (as it did in Crimea in 2014), how quickly will the allies respond? Will they respond?
Yesterday, here in Munich, the Vice President of the United States made it clear: the old relationship between Europe and the United States is coming to an end. From now on, things will be different, and Europe needs to adapt.
I believe in Europe. And you should too. I urge everyone to take action, for your own good, for the good of Europe, for its people, their homes, their children, and our shared future. To achieve this, Europe must become self-sufficient, united by a common strength, Ukrainian and European.
At this moment, the Ukrainian army, supported by international aid, is holding back Russia. But if we don't do it, who will stop them? Let's be honest: we cannot rule out the possibility that the United States might say "no" to Europe on issues that directly threaten it.
Many leaders have expressed that Europe needs its own army, a European Army. I believe the time has come. We must establish the Armed Forces of Europe. This is no more difficult than standing firm against Russian attacks, as we have already done. However, it's not just about increasing defense spending in relation to GDP.
Money is necessary, but money alone will not stop an enemy attack. Weapons and trained soldiers are not free, but it's not just a matter of budgets. It's about people realizing the need to defend their own home.
Without the Ukrainian army, European armies alone will not be sufficient to stop Russia. Only our army in Europe has real and modern battlefield experience. However, our army alone is not enough either. We need what you can provide: weapons, training, sanctions, funding, political pressure, and unity.
Three years of large-scale war have shown that we already have the foundations for a unified European military force. Now, as we wage this war and lay the groundwork for peace and security, we must build the Armed Forces of Europe. This way, the future of Europe will depend solely on Europeans, and decisions about Europe will be made in Europe.
That is why we are in discussions with European leaders and the United States about military contingents that can ensure peace, not only in Ukraine but across Europe. This is also why we are developing joint production of weapons, particularly drones.
The Danish model of joint investments for weapon production in Ukraine is already up and running, and it is doing well. Just last year, thanks to the efforts of Ukraine and its partners, we produced over 1.5 million drones of various types. Ukraine is now the global leader in drone warfare. This is our success, but it is also your success.
Everything we build for our own defense also reinforces our security. The same should apply to artillery, air defense, and armored vehicles. Everything necessary to protect lives in modern warfare must be produced entirely in Europe.
Europe has everything it needs. It just needs to unite and act, so that no one can say "no" to it, give it orders, or treat it like an easy target. It's not just about accumulating weapons, but about creating jobs, technological leadership, and economic strength for Europe.
Last autumn, in my Victory Plan, I proposed replacing part of the U.S. military presence in Europe with Ukrainian forces (if Ukraine is in NATO). If the United States reduces its presence, it is dangerous, but Europe must be prepared. I raised this idea even before the U.S. elections, as I observed the direction of U.S. politics. However, the United States must also consider the direction Europe is heading.
This direction of European policy should not only be promising but also make the United States eager to support a strong Europe. Europe must decide its own future. We need to have confidence in our own strength so that others have no choice but to respect Europe's power. Without a European army, that is impossible.
It is not about replacing NATO, but rather about ensuring that Europe's contribution to our partnership is equal to that of the United States. We need the same approach to diplomacy: working together for peace. Ukraine will never accept agreements made behind our backs without our involvement. The same rule should apply to all of Europe.
Decisions about Ukraine cannot be made without Ukraine. Decisions about Europe cannot be made without Europe. Europe must have a seat at the table when decisions about its future are being made; anything else is meaningless. If we are left out of negotiations regarding our own future, we all lose.
Look at what Putin is trying to do. This is his game. He wants face-to-face talks with the United States, like before the war, when they met in Switzerland and it seemed they were on the verge of dividing the world. Later, he will try to get the American president to appear in Red Square on May 9, not as a respected leader, but as a supporting character in his performance.
We don't need that. We need real success. Real peace. It is possible that some in Europe don't fully understand what is happening in Washington at this moment. But let's focus on understanding ourselves right here in Europe. First, we must empower Europe.
Does the United States need Europe? Yes, as a market. But as an ally? For the answer to be "yes," Europe must speak with one voice, not a dozen different voices. Even those who regularly visit Mar-a-Lago must be part of a strong Europe, because President Trump does not like weak friends. He respects strength.
Some in Europe may feel frustrated with Brussels, but let's be clear: if it's not Brussels, it will be Moscow. That's geopolitics, it's history. Moscow will tear apart Europe if we, as Europeans, do not trust one another.
A few days ago, President Trump told me about his conversation with Putin. Not once did he mention that the United States needs Europe at that table. That says a lot. The old days are gone when the United States supported Europe simply because it always had.
President Trump once said, "What matters is not the family you were born into, but the one you create." We must build the closest possible relationship with the United States, a new relationship, but as Europeans, not just as separate nations. That is why we need a unified foreign policy, coordinated diplomacy, the foreign policy of a common Europe. And the end of this war should be our first shared success in this new reality.
We are already working to ensure that on February 24, the third anniversary of the large-scale Russian invasion, we can meet in Kyiv and online. All European leaders. All key partners defending our security. From Spain to Finland. From Great Britain to Poland. From Washington to Tokyo.
This meeting should provide a clear vision of the next steps we will take regarding peace, security guarantees, and the future of our collective policy. I do not believe in security guarantees without the United States: they will be weak, but the United States will not offer guarantees unless Europe's own guarantees are strong.
I will also not rule out the incorporation of Ukraine into NATO, but at this moment, the most influential member of NATO seems to be Putin, because his whims have the power to block NATO's decisions, despite the fact that it was the Ukrainian army that halted Russia, not a NATO country or NATO troops, but simply our people and our army.
In this war, there are no foreign armies fighting alongside Ukraine, but Putin has lost nearly 250,000 soldiers, and more than 610,000 have been injured. Only in the Battle of Kursk did our troops eliminate almost 20,000 Russian soldiers. We completely destroyed the North Korean units that Putin had to bring in because his own forces were insufficient to withstand our counteroffensive.
For more than six months, Ukrainians have held a firm position on Russian territory, despite Russia's intention to create a "containment zone" within our territory. I am proud of Ukraine and our people, but I ask each of you to respond honestly: if Russia came for you, could your army fight in the same way?
I don’t want anyone to ever find out. That’s why we are discussing security guarantees. That’s why we believe that the cornerstone of any security guarantee for Ukraine must be NATO membership. Or, if that’s not possible, then conditions that allow us to build another NATO, right here in Ukraine.
At some point, there will be a border between war and peace. Where that border is drawn and how firm it is will depend on us. The eastern border of Ukraine, the eastern border of Belarus, the eastern borders of the Baltic States, the eastern border of Finland. That is the strongest security line for all of us in Europe because it is the line of international law.
Do we still remember what international law is? Let’s be honest, the phrase "international law" already sounds a bit outdated. But I believe Europe’s mission is to ensure that international law remains significant.
What security guarantees can Putin offer? Before the war, many doubted that Ukraine's institutions could withstand Russian pressure. But in the end, it was Putin who faced an armed rebellion from within. He was the one who had to defend his own capital from his own warlords. That alone proves his weakness.
What will happen to the million Russian soldiers currently fighting in Ukraine? Where will they fight if not in Ukraine? We cannot accept a ceasefire without real security guarantees, without exerting pressure on Russia, and without a system to keep Russia in check.
To fight against us, Putin has pulled troops from Syria, Africa, the Caucasus, and even parts of Moldova. At this moment, he is facing a shortage of combat forces. If this war ends poorly, he will have a surplus of battle-hardened soldiers who know nothing but killing and looting.
This is another reason why this war cannot be decided by a few leaders, whether it's Trump and Putin, me and Putin, or anyone sitting here in Munich talking privately with Putin. We must apply pressure together to achieve true peace.
Putin cannot offer real security guarantees. Not only because he is a liar, but also because Russia, in its current state, needs war to maintain power. And the world must be protected from that.
What is needed? Armed Forces of Europe as an enhancement to NATO. A common European foreign policy. A level of European cooperation that Washington must take seriously. International law. Maintaining pressure on Russia, because that pressure is what guarantees peace, not Putin's words, and not just some papers.
Putin lies. He is predictable and weak. We must take advantage of this, now, not later. We must act as Europe, not as separate individuals. Some say that the new year doesn't begin on January 1, but with the Munich Security Conference. This new year starts now: let it be the year of Europe. United, strong, secure, and at peace. Peace for Ukraine, Europe, and the whole world.
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