The official program Con Filo dedicated one of its episodes to attacking the independent media La Joven Cuba (LJC), following the interview that they conducted with the singer-songwriter Israel Rojas, leader of Buena Fe.
In a tone that blended playful irony with veiled warnings, the host Michel Torres Corona accused the portal of being a project "funded by Norway for subversive purposes" and of representing a "light reformist opposition" that, according to the regime's dogma, is equally counter-revolutionary.

The television attack occurred alongside a direct quote from the Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, Carlos R. Fernández de Cossío, displayed on screen:
"Opposition to the Revolution is counter-revolution, regardless of what name it bears. The founder of the true and genuine Joven Cuba, Antonio Guiteras, did not receive, nor would he have accepted funding from imperialism to undertake his revolutionary struggle."
This statement aligns with the historic Fidelista precept of “within the Revolution, everything; outside the Revolution, nothing,” used for decades to justify censorship, persecution, and repression against any critical voice, even if it emerges from within the socialist spectrum.
Torres Corona himself insisted that it is the "duty of the members to denounce and combat" the media and projects that, in his opinion, seek to "dismantle socialism."
Coordinated attack and old narrative
In his speech, Con Filo aimed to connect LJC with foreign institutions and actors, insinuating an agenda of interference, and provided a partial review of the project's history to present its current editorial line as a "reactionary drift" initiated by one of its founders.
The accusation, with no verifiable evidence presented in the program, reproduces a common pattern in official propaganda: to discredit any organization that practices journalism independent of the Communist Party by raising suspicions of foreign funding.
The statement occurs within a broader context of the official discourse becoming more radicalized. Just days earlier, the newspaper Granma revived one of the most violent phrases from Fidel Castro: “If the Revolution is frustrated, the counter-revolution triumphs, and the counter-revolution could only triumph here on the basis of a sea of blood, a real sea of blood.”
In the words of President Miguel Díaz-Canel, it is not about remembering Castro, but about “bringing him to this moment,” making it clear that the regime embraces this intransigence as an active policy.
A message for the dissent… and for internal criticism
The emphasis on the idea that “any opposition to the Revolution is counter-revolution” not only targets openly oppositionist media, but also critical spaces that, like LJC, are situated on the left spectrum and do not reject socialism as a concept.
This expansion of the "enemy" category aims to reduce the tolerance for reformist voices that may challenge government management without aligning with the official narrative.
The threat is clear: within the framework of Castroism, any political, media, or cultural agenda that does not completely subordinate itself to the ideology of the Communist Party will be treated as a hostile project, liable to be publicly attacked and marginalized from national debate.
The legal shield of intransigence
The attack by Con Filo and the quote from Deputy Minister Fernández de Cossío do not occur in a rhetorical vacuum: they find support in the very legal framework of the regime.
Although the Cuban Constitution of 2019 does not literally mention the term "counter-revolution," it declares the socialist system irrevocable and enshrines the Communist Party as "the superior leading force of society and the State".
This framework renders any political or media proposal that falls outside of that orbit, by definition, unconstitutional.
The Cuban Penal Code, inheriting provisions such as Law No. 425 of 1959, has historically classified “counter-revolution” as a serious crime, with penalties that in its harshest formulations have included the death penalty.
Although its current version from 2022 no longer explicitly uses that term, it retains criminal figures that serve the same purpose: to punish the receipt of foreign funding, the dissemination of “enemy propaganda”, defamation against institutions and leaders, or any action that is interpreted as aimed at “dismantling the socialist system”.
The penalties for these crimes range from several years of imprisonment to life imprisonment, as well as disqualifications and other ancillary penalties.
Under this legal framework, the phrase "any opposition to the Revolution is counter-revolution" is not just an ideological slogan: it can translate into judicial persecution against media, journalists, and activists.
The effect is a communicative ecosystem in which any criticism that exceeds the limits tolerated by the Party is exposed not only to media stigmatization, such as that practiced by Con Filo, but also to severe legal consequences.
In this context, independent journalism in Cuba operates under a double threat: public defamation as a prelude to a possible legal process.
The role of Con Filo in the propaganda machinery
Since its premiere, Con Filo has served as a platform for shock propaganda, where opponents, journalists, activists, and independent media are targeted by name.
His language, which blends mocking humor with political slogans, aims to mobilize the most ideologically committed base of the government and reinforce the perception that Cuba is under constant siege from "external agents."
The broadcast dedicated to LJC and the interview with Israel Rojas illustrates how the regime combines multiple levels of attack:
- The media landscape, with programs that disseminate accusations and theories of interference.
- The institutional framework, with statements from high-ranking officials like Fernández de Cossío, elevates those accusations to an official position of the State.
- The symbolic plane, using Fidel Castro's ideology to legitimize repression against any form of dissent.
Hard line in times of crisis
The hardening of the discourse occurs as the country faces a multisystem crisis: power outages of more than 20 hours, uncontrollable inflation, food shortages, and massive migration.
In this scenario, the totalitarian regime seems to be betting on closing ideological ranks, reviving the cult of the figure of Castro, and discrediting any change proposals that do not align with its structures.
The statement from the deputy minister and the script of Con Filo leave no room for doubt: the government does not envision a space for plural dialogue, not even with sectors that identify themselves as part of the left.
Any criticism that challenges the political monopoly of the Communist Party will be fought against as "counter-revolution," perpetuating a logic that has stifled debate and press freedom in Cuba for decades.
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