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The Comptroller General of the Republic of Cuba, Miriam Marbán González, is leading the regime's delegation participating this week in the XI Session of the Conference of the States Parties to the United Nations Convention Against Corruption (UNCAC).
The event, which takes place in Doha, Qatar, provided an opportunity for the government of Miguel Díaz-Canel to once again proclaim its alleged "zero tolerance policy" towards corruption.
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MINREX) published a statement on Tuesday in which it asserted that Cuba “reaffirms its commitment to the principles of the Convention” and to “an honest public administration at the service of the people.”
However, behind the official discourse lies a structural contradiction: the country's main economic conglomerate, GAESA, remains protected by law against any type of independent audit or oversight.
The General Comptroller's Office, established in 2009 and reformed in 2022 through Law 158, lost all ability to review the operations of the Revolutionary Armed Forces (FAR) and their enterprises.
The legal change even removed the word "audit" in relation to military institutions, placing the decision regarding potential internal controls in the hands of the president himself.
In practice, GAESA operates like a state within a state, managing the most profitable sectors —tourism, currency trade, telecommunications, banking, real estate, and remittances— without being accountable to the National Assembly or the body supposedly responsible for combating corruption.
That opacity is not new. Her predecessor, Gladys María Bejerano Portela —the so-called "Iron Comptroller"— had already acknowledged in 2024 that GAESA was not under her supervision, although she attempted to justify it by claiming that the military group had "superior discipline and organization."
In parallel, Bejerano described the corruption case of the former Minister of Economy Alejandro Gil Fernández, now fallen from grace, as a "betrayal," but never mentioned the dealings of the military conglomerate.
The contrast between official rhetoric and institutional reality is striking. While the regime showcases its "commitment to transparency" at international forums, a top-tier corruption has been institutionalized in Cuba, shielded by laws tailored to protect those in power.
Economists like Pedro Monreal have denounced that the legal protection of GAESA turns the fight against corruption into a purely propagandistic exercise. No citizen or civil organization can audit the flow of foreign currency managed by the conglomerate, estimated in the billions of dollars.
Thus, Marbán González's presence in Qatar is paradoxical: the regime advocates a "zero tolerance" policy abroad that it does not enforce at home.
Because, while the Comptroller's Office scrutinizes small businesses and civil entities, the real financial heart of Cuba —GAESA— remains untouched, outside of any accountability and shielded by the military power that upholds the dictatorship.
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