The Cuban writer and editor Andrés Jorge warned in an interview with Tania Costa that the real problem in Cuba is not any particular leader, but rather "fidelismo," as a system of thought and control that has permeated the island and much of Latin America, and that survives regardless of who holds power.
In statements to CiberCuba, Jorge—born in Pinar del Río in 1960 and living in Mexico for many years—points out that one of the most harmful expressions of that system is the belief that any solution for Cuba must go through Washington. "We should not allow ourselves to carry that other mark of absolute Fidelism that everything goes through the United States. And that the solution must involve the United States," he stated.
For the author of "Pan de mi cuerpo" (1997), Cuba has been the main promoter of communism in Latin America, and its intelligence agencies —with explicit references to "Barbarroja" and related organizations— dedicated decades to the trafficking of arms and to organizing pressure groups in the region. "All those institutions spent half their lives trafficking arms and creating groups. And they continue to do so; they are doing it in Mexico now, they are still doing it," he stated.
As a recent example of this presence, the incident involving Cuban filmmaker Ernesto Fundora was mentioned, who was attacked in May 2026 during the premiere of the documentary about Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara at the Cultural University Center of Coyoacán in Mexico City. A group of about 15 people burst in with flags, sticks, and loudspeakers. Fundora suffered injuries to his elbow and wrist, and two other Cubans were injured as well.
Upon the news breaking, the Cuban actor Luis Alberto García condemned the aggressions and compared them to the repudiation rallies of the regime. For Jorge, the moral authorship leaves no doubt: "Where do these 'porros' from UNAM and all these people come from? It's Cuba."
The writer summarizes his diagnosis with the metaphor of a cancer, "which has ramifications all over the world."
In light of this situation, Jorge proposes an alternative focused on the potential of the diaspora itself, without waiting for a solution to come from outside. His argument is clear: if all Cubans abroad were to vote in free elections and spend a week on the island with their families, “the economic boost from that Cuban diaspora going to vote and celebrate in Cuba would have an impressive economic impact.”
The idea resonates with proposals already put forth by the organized exile community. In May 2026, Cuban-American entrepreneurs pledged $35 billion for the first year following a democratic transition, contingent upon legal security and scheduled elections. The "Liberation Agreement" signed by exile organizations in March 2026 outlines a roadmap in three phases —liberation, stabilization, and democratization— with the goal of achieving internationally monitored elections.
Jorge insists that Cubans in the diaspora who "accumulate so much money, so much power, so much history in every sense" should see a viable, economically sustainable Cuba as a real opportunity for their businesses and services, rather than remaining trapped in what he calls the logic of Fidelism: waiting for someone else to solve what only the Cubans themselves can transform.
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