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The U.S. Congressman Michael Baumgartner stated on X that “all Americans should applaud President Trump and Secretary Rubio for implementing a policy that frees Venezuela from the yoke of Cuban 'communist' advisers.”
In his message, Baumgartner described the measure as "another significant triumph in foreign policy for this administration" and added, "(And more to come)."
The statement comes amid reports indicating a tangible reduction of Cuban presence in Venezuelan security apparatuses, a connection that has been crucial for the political survival of chavismo for years.
The congressman attributes the shift to the strategy promoted by President Donald Trump and Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who have reiterated their intention to weaken the Caracas-Havana axis.
Trump recently wrote on Truth Social that "Cuba lived, for many years, on vast amounts of OIL and MONEY from Venezuela. In exchange, Cuba provided 'Security Services' for the last two Venezuelan dictators, BUT NO MORE!"
The background: Cuban withdrawal in sensitive areas
According to reports from Reuters cited in public records, Cuban security advisors and medical personnel have begun to leave Venezuela in recent days.
The move, confirmed by 11 sources close to the agency, involves changes in a strategic relationship that for over a decade allowed Havana to decisively influence key structures of the Venezuelan military and intelligence apparatus.
Some Cuban advisors have reportedly been removed from positions within the General Directorate of Military Counterintelligence (DGCIM), an agency noted for its role in the surveillance and persecution of officials deemed disloyal.
Additionally, the Venezuelan leader Delcy Rodríguez is said to have replaced Cuban bodyguards with Venezuelan ones, breaking with the practice established by Hugo Chávez and maintained by Nicolás Maduro, who entrusted their personal security to elite forces sent from Havana.
The immediate trigger for this shift was the U.S. military operation on January 3, which resulted in the capture of Maduro and left 32 Cuban personnel dead.
Havana confirmed the casualties and referred to them as "internationalist heroes," a recognition that contrasts with years of official denials about the operational military presence in Venezuela.
The agreements of 2008 and the control architecture
The Cuban influence did not arise spontaneously. A special report by Reuters published in 2019 revealed the existence of agreements signed in May 2008 between the defense ministries of both countries, which granted Cuba extensive access to the Venezuelan military sector.
Under those agreements, Venezuelan officials were sent to train in counterintelligence in Havana; Cuban instructors oversaw the modernization of the then-military intelligence service (DIM); and its mission was redefined to focus on internal surveillance of the armed forces. In 2011, the agency was renamed DGCIM, reflecting its new orientation.
According to testimonies gathered by Reuters, agents trained under Cuban guidance infiltrated barracks, intercepted communications from high-ranking officials, and promoted a system of internal denunciation. The DGCIM has been criticized by international organizations for practices such as arbitrary detentions and torture.
For years, the Cuban regime categorically denied having operational military presence in Venezuela. However, the official confirmation of casualties in January revealed the involvement of members of the Revolutionary Armed Forces (FAR) and the Ministry of Interior (MININT) in the security apparatus linked to the Chavista leadership.
A turning point under international pressure
The reduction of the Cuban presence occurs under direct pressure from Washington, which has sought to cut oil supplies and weaken the strategic alliance between both governments.
Although some military advisors and professors associated with the National Experimental University of Security (UNES) remain in the country, sources indicate that Havana's influence is waning.
The retreat not only affects a bilateral alliance: it touches the control structure that allowed chavismo to navigate internal conspiracies during years of economic crisis and mass protests. If it consolidates, it could disrupt the balance within the Venezuelan armed forces.
Baumgartner's statements reflect the perspective of certain sectors in Washington that view this process as a weakening of the security framework that supported two governments noted for their authoritarianism.
For years, the exchange of oil for political and intelligence support established a framework that fortified Chavismo and provided economic relief to Havana.
Now, with more intense international pressure and visible movements within Venezuelan security structures, the relationship seems to be entering its most delicate phase.
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