"A drop in the ocean," but it saves lives: The story of U.S. humanitarian aid to Cuba

Secretary of State Marco Rubio, alongside the top U.S. representative at the American embassy in Havana, Mike Hammer.Photo © CiberCuba

The delivery of humanitarian aid sent by the United States to very vulnerable people in Cuba has begun and abundant and varied reactions are already being reported. Some are grateful, others say it is very little and not enough for so many people in extreme situations. There are those who claim that the Catholic Church will prioritize its faithful and that there will be theft and diversions.

Cáritas Cuba summarizes it as follows: "Gratitude, transparency, and acknowledgment that the aid is insufficient."

The most significant reaction appeared this Thursday, when Cáritas described the program as "a drop in the ocean" and publicly acknowledged: "We are fully aware that we cannot reach everyone." They explained that the selection is made through home visits and previously established criteria, prioritizing elderly individuals living alone; pregnant women and breastfeeding mothers; people with disabilities or bedridden; and families with children under five years old in vulnerable situations.

Cáritas appealed for understanding from those who are not selected and assured that the distributions are guided by honesty, human dignity, and personal support. This is a clear acknowledgment of the enormous scale of Cuba's humanitarian crisis.

We all know who is responsible for the serious humanitarian crisis in Cuba: the Castro-communist regime. On this occasion, fearing the reaction of a people who are increasingly dissatisfied and outraged, the dictatorship agreed to allow aid to reach those in greatest need through the Catholic Church. But let us examine the history of aid offers from the most generous nation on the planet and the repeated rejections from the complacent, arrogant, and indifferent communist leaders.

Since Castro took power on January 1, 1959, the Cuban regime progressed towards the confiscation of American properties, the severing of ties with Washington, and a political, economic, and military alignment with the Soviet Union. Despite this hostility, the United States has maintained for more than six decades an essential distinction between the dictatorship and the people: it has confronted the regime, imposed sanctions, and pressured it to respect human rights, while also providing assistance to Cubans during hurricanes, food crises, and health emergencies that have worsened their suffering.

The history displayed a constant pattern. Washington offered equipment to assess damage, food, medicine, or financial resources; Havana would reject them, condition their entry, or demand control over their distribution. When assistance did manage to arrive, it often did so through churches, international organizations, charitable entities, or exiled families.

Among the earliest events we have is what happened after Hurricane Flora, which devastated eastern Cuba in October 1963. The American Red Cross offered assistance, but the Cuban Red Cross rejected it, labeling it as “hypocritical.” Ultimately, a small delegation of American Quakers was able to deliver food and medical supplies. This episode foreshadowed a behavior that would be repeated for decades: subordinating the needs of the population to the ideological confrontation of the communist regime against the U.S.

After Hurricane Lili in 1996, the American Red Cross participated in the international humanitarian appeal, while churches and members of the Cuban-American community mobilized food, clothing, and hygiene supplies. The operation confirmed the effectiveness of religious and humanitarian channels to assist the population without turning the resources into tools of state propaganda.

In November 2001, Hurricane Michelle caused severe damage to homes, crops, electrical grids, and infrastructure. The United States offered humanitarian assistance, but Havana responded that it preferred to purchase food and medicine. Washington facilitated the operation, and Cuba acquired approximately 30 million dollars in wheat, rice, meat, and other U.S. agricultural products. It was not a donation, but a cash purchase, which demonstrated that the United States was willing to provide essential goods during the emergency.

In July 2005, after Hurricane Dennis, Washington offered blankets, water containers, first aid kits, plastic covers, and specialized disaster assessment equipment. The regime rejected the proposals. The United States then authorized up to $100,000 for non-governmental organizations, one of which sent food, medicine, water purification tablets, and flashlights. Fidel Castro declared that he would not accept assistance even if Washington offered a billion dollars.

A few months later, Hurricane Wilma caused significant flooding in Havana and other western areas. The United States allocated an additional $100,000 to independent entities and proposed sending three specialists. Although Havana initially seemed to accept the mission, it later attempted to transform it into a regional political dialogue, limiting the experts' ability to assess the real needs of the affected individuals. The operation did not materialize as it had been conceived.

The most eloquent case occurred in 2008, after Hurricanes Gustav and Ike. The United States made four successive offers: $100,000 after Gustav; another $100,000 after Ike; up to five million to assist approximately 135,000 victims; and finally, supplies valued at around $6.3 million, including family shelters and household items. The regime rejected the government offers while Washington increased its support to international and non-governmental organizations.

In 2022, after Hurricane Ian, the United States granted two million dollars to the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies. The funds were allocated for roof repairs and to provide tools, hygiene products, kitchen utensils, and solar lamps. The agreement stipulated that the items must be delivered directly to the beneficiaries and not stored in government warehouses. Priority was given to single mothers, families with young children, pregnant women, people with disabilities, and households with dependent elderly individuals. Control mechanisms, record keeping, and auditing were also included.

After Hurricane Melissa in 2025, Washington allocated nine million dollars for an operation developed with Catholic Relief Services, Cáritas Cuba, and the Catholic Church. In 2026, that experience served as the foundation for a much larger commitment: the current 100 million dollars in direct humanitarian aid to the Cuban people.

The first flight of the new program departed from Miami on July 21, 2026, carrying food packages and hygiene products for approximately 700 families. The delivery is conducted through Catholic Relief Services, Caritas, the Catholic Church, and representatives from Cuban parishes, specifically to prevent the shipments from being diverted, confiscated, or used by the state apparatus.

American solidarity with the Cuban people extends beyond official programs. For decades, Cubans living in the United States have sent remittances, food, medicine, clothing, electrical equipment, and other essential products. This family support, along with assistance provided by churches, humanitarian organizations, and human rights entities, has sustained countless households. It is the same exiles whom the regime has heavily insulted through its propaganda that feed their families, send medicines, and help those who remain on the Island to survive.

The United States is also the leading humanitarian power in the world. The Financial Tracking Service of the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs recorded U.S. government contributions of $14.061 billion in 2024, accounting for 37.9% of all global humanitarian funding reported that year. Germany, the second-largest donor, contributed approximately $3 billion; the European Commission, $2.819 billion; and the United Kingdom, $2.261 billion. The U.S. alone contributed more than these three major donors combined and nearly five times the German contribution.

Why does the Cuban regime now tolerate aid that it previously rejected? Because the food, energy, and health crisis has reached a depth that makes it politically dangerous to prevent it. Millions of people are suffering from blackouts, unaffordable prices, shortages of medications, and deteriorating hospital conditions. The elderly with meager pensions, sick individuals, and families with children are among the most vulnerable.

Openly rejecting 100 million dollars in the age of social media would allow the population to clearly identify who is preventing assistance. The regime therefore prefers to tolerate distribution through the Church, even while continuing to blame the United States for all national ills.

Democracies tend to embrace international cooperation following a catastrophe because their leaders have a duty to save lives and be accountable. Authoritarian regimes, on the other hand, fear independent observers, uncontrolled distribution, and any mechanism that shows society can organize itself outside of the State.

That is why aid directed to Cuba must be direct, transparent, and supervised. Providing resources to the government apparatus carries the risk that they may end up in military institutions, clientelist networks, stores selling in foreign currencies, or in the hands of privileged officials. The mechanism based on Catholic Relief Services, Cáritas, parishes, and other independent organizations is the most suitable for a situation like Cuba's.

When Jesus Christ multiplied the loaves and fishes, he did not hand them over to Herod or Pilate to decide who could eat: he put them at the service of the hungry. Similarly, aid for Cuba must reach those in need, not the political structure that oppresses them.

Humanitarian assistance can alleviate hunger, provide medications, and save lives, but it will not ultimately resolve the national tragedy. Cuba needs freedom, democracy, private property, independent institutions, and the right of its citizens to work, produce, and thrive.

While that day arrives, the solidarity of the United States, the European Union, and other nations must continue. However, every resource must be monitored and delivered directly to the people, never used to support the tyranny that flagrantly violates human rights and has condemned the majority of Cubans to the utmost misery.

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Opinion article: Las declaraciones y opiniones expresadas en este artículo son de exclusiva responsabilidad de su autor y no representan necesariamente el punto de vista de CiberCuba.

José Daniel Ferrer García

José Daniel Ferrer García (Palma Soriano, 1970). Coordinator of UNPACU and president of the People's Party.