The CIA will track opaque money flows and the businesses inside and outside of Cuba belonging to leaders and other members of the political elite of the regime, according to The New York Times, which reported on the new special task force created by the agency for the island.
The officers of that unit will examine the new intelligence gathered by the United States in search of internal information regarding the activities of the Cuban leadership, "specifically tracking opaque money flows and business dealings inside and outside the island", the newspaper notes.
The revelation opens a particularly sensitive line for a regime characterized by a lack of transparency regarding the assets of its leaders and the economic structures tied to power.
The Times does not identify specific individuals under investigation nor does it claim that the CIA has already uncovered hidden fortunes. It does reveal that Washington has decided to allocate intelligence resources specifically to find out where the money is, what businesses exist, and how those resources are moved in and out of Cuba.
The main background lies with the Business Administration Group S.A. (GAESA), the conglomerate controlled by the military that dominates strategic sectors such as tourism, finance, foreign currency trade, real estate, and other businesses.
Internal financial documents disclosed in recent years have revealed the existence of billions of dollars accumulated in GAESA structures while Cuba was experiencing a deep economic crisis.
Washington has also accused the military conglomerate of controlling a network of foreign assets worth billions of dollars.
The exact dimension, ownership, and final destination of all that wealth continue to be the subject of investigation, but GAESA represents the most significant example of the immense opacity surrounding the finances of the Cuban elite.
Independent journalism has been trying for years to reconstruct other parts of that framework.
Investigations gathered by CiberCuba have identified foreign companies linked to members of the family of the late General Luis Alberto Rodríguez López-Calleja, former son-in-law of Raúl Castro and the top official of GAESA until his death in 2022.
Properties and businesses linked to descendants of the elite have also come to light. CiberCuba documented, for example, the connection of Vilma Rodríguez Castro, granddaughter of Raúl Castro and daughter of López-Calleja, with the rental of a luxury residence in Havana through international platforms.
For years, independent media and social media publications have exposed the businesses, properties, cars, travels, and lifestyles of the children and grandchildren of generals, ministers, and other high-ranking officials.
Many of these cases are merely indications or pieces of information that do not allow for the demonstration of the existence of hidden fortunes, let alone their illegal origins.
Precisely there lies the difference between the questions raised over the years by independent journalism and what U.S. intelligence might attempt to do now: reconstruct societal structures, real beneficiaries, assets, and financial movements using resources that the media do not have access to.
The most explosive part of the strategy revealed by the Times is that the information obtained may not remain classified.
The CIA could eventually disclose data about those financial flows and businesses to try to influence both the Cuban leadership and public opinion, using a strategy it has already employed against other adversaries, including Russia.
Financial intelligence is part of a much larger intelligence operation. The Trump administration recently elevated Cuba to "Priority 1" status within its National Intelligence Priority Framework, alongside countries like China, Russia, and Iran.
Agencies such as the NSA and the National Geospatial Intelligence Agency have begun to allocate more resources and collection methods, including satellites, towards Cuba. This new information will also support the work of the CIA's special group.
For decades, the opacity of the Cuban system has made it extremely difficult to distinguish the rumors about the alleged fortunes of the nomenclature from what can be documented.
The New York Times does not assert that the CIA already has the answers.
The news is that the United States has decided to seek them out and may end up making them public.
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