The historian and Doctor of Historical Sciences Ivette García González, former full professor at the University of Havana, published this Sunday on her Facebook profile an analysis of the Cuban democratic struggle in which she urges opposition groups to abandon ideological labels and prioritize the articulation of a common cause for democracy and human rights.
The text, titled "What Defines Us? What Do We Support? The Anti or the Pro?", arises from a concern that the academic deems urgent: "At this point, in light of Cuba's pressing issues, it is alarming that we are consumed by being 'ANTI' left/right/communist, etc."
García González argues that defining oneself mainly by what is rejected—instead of by what is proposed—is a politically weak and strategically dangerous position for the Cuban democratic movement. In his view: "We are not in a position to choose allies. Anyone who supports the cause, whether inside or outside, Cuban or foreign, is useful and necessary, even if they may be an adversary tomorrow."
His diagnosis for deep reasoning: "The debate among the anti confuses us, but especially the left vs right divides us, confronts us, and blurs our focus. NOTE: A loss for us and an advantage for the dictatorship."
The academic illustrates the trap of "anti" language with an example that points to the regime itself: "Many dictatorships, like the Cuban one, claim to be 'Anti-imperialist,' but they support Russian imperialism and in doing so attract anyone who confronts the USA, which is their true goal."
To support his thesis, García González draws on his own experience leading Cuba en Familia, an organization founded in late 2021 to support the freedom of political prisoners and their families. He recounts that by mid-2024 the organization was on the verge of disappearing, and at that critical moment only two Cuban women remained to uphold it: "Breaking news!: one is well-known as right-wing and the other is left-wing. And we continue!"
It also describes how a civic project in favor of political prisoners was rejected by a jury because, according to that leftist jury, "it's obvious that it's from the right": "It was civic and for political prisoners, but for that majority leftist jury, opposing the Cuban government means being from the right. Such is the extent of the pollution and confusion."
García González's call is not to ignore ideological differences, but to subordinate them to the priority of the moment. He proposes four questions that, in his opinion, should guide the debate: what does it mean to be left or right today; whether the central issue in Cuba is ideological or about democracy and human rights; if being anti-communist necessarily equates to being pro-democracy; and what is the real priority of the democratic struggle on the Island.
This analysis is part of a series of reflections that the academic has published throughout 2026. In August, she stated that the crisis alone does not produce political change, and in September she suggested that protests must be translated into organized strategy. The text this Sunday brings that line into a realm of tactical unity.
The context surrounding these reflections is one of sustained aggravation. Prisoners Defenders reported 1,339 political prisoners in Cuba as of the end of August 2026—a new historical record. The Cuban Conflict Observatory documented 1,415 protests, complaints, and critical expressions just in July 2026, the highest monthly figure recorded by the organization. Among these, 72 were in-person protests.
The economy has experienced a contraction of over 15% since 2020, and according to CEPAL, a contraction of the Cuban GDP exceeding 10% is expected, marking the worst decline in Latin America projected for 2026.
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