158 years since the Grito de Yara: the freedoms demanded by Carlos Manuel de Céspedes remain restricted in Cuba

Carlos Manuel de Céspedes, Miguel Díaz-Canel, and Raúl Castro: two eras of Cuba. Created with AI.Photo © CiberCuba / AI

"You are granted no other recourse than to remain silent and obey." The phrase by Carlos Manuel de Céspedes denouncing the submission of Cubans to Spanish colonial power on October 10, 1868, takes on an uncomfortable meaning 158 years later: in the Cuba governed by Miguel Díaz-Canel, where there is no political competition among parties, a young woman has just been sentenced for publishing a video of a police officer, and two creators of critical content are facing prosecution demands of up to ten years in prison.

The Manifesto of the Revolutionary Board of the Island of Cuba, signed by Céspedes in Manzanillo, denounced that Cubans lacked the freedom of assembly, that they could be treated as rebels for demanding their rights, and that they could not even "speak" or "write" freely. It also called for national representation, universal suffrage, freedom of trade, and respect for individual rights. The uprising that began at the La Demajagua sugar mill opened the Ten Years' War, not the Republic, which was established in 1902.

Written rights, single party, and a system declared irrevocable

The proclaims in its article 54 the freedom of thought and expression; in article 55, the freedom of the press; and in article 56, the rights of assembly, demonstration, and association. However, article 5 declares the Communist Party of Cuba (PCC) to be the "only" and leading force of society and the State. Article 4 makes the socialist system irrevocable, and article 229 prohibits reforming that irrevocability.

The regime recognizes individual freedoms in the constitutional text, while preventing an alternative political organization from competing for leadership of the State and applying penal provisions against expressions of dissent. Human Rights Watch documented arbitrary detentions, intimidation of opponents, censorship, and punishment for public criticism in its 2026 World Report, referring to events from 2025. The organization also denounced the subordination of the courts to political power and the difficulties in exercising independent journalism.

Anna Bensi and El 4tico: consequences of criticizing power

One of the most recent cases is that of the Cuban creator Anna Bensi and her mother, Caridad Silvente. On October 1, the People's Municipal Court of East Havana sentenced each of them to two years of freedom restriction following the recording and dissemination of a meeting with an agent from the Ministry of the Interior who came to their home to deliver a summons.

The court argued that the video exposed the agent's personal data and violated his privacy, a claim challenged by the defense and by organizations like Cubalex, which believe that recording the actions of public officials can be a legitimate form of citizen oversight. Bensi described the sentence as unjust. The imposed penalty does not equate to two years in prison, but it does restrict his freedom and that of his mother.

In Holguín, the Prosecutor's Office has requested eight years of imprisonment for Ernesto Ricardo Medina and ten for Kamil Zayas Pérez, founders of the independent audiovisual project El 4tico. Both have been detained since February 6. The indictment accuses them of alleged crimes of propaganda against the constitutional order, defamation of institutions, and incitement to commit crimes due to content shared on social media. These are prosecutorial requests, not sentences issued by a court.

In a statement released on October 8, Cubalex challenged the legal grounds of the accusation and argued that the process criminalizes the expression of critical opinions. The two cases demonstrate how publishing images or raising questions about the Government can lead to restrictions on freedom or the threat of lengthy sentences.

Political prisoners and punishments for protest

The issue goes beyond these cases. Prisoners Defenders recorded 1,339 individuals for political reasons at the end of August 2026, including citizens in prison and others subjected to restrictions on their freedom according to their methodology. This figure should not be interpreted as 1,339 people physically confined in jails. The organization also documented cases related to protests over the lack of water and electricity, as well as public complaints of abuses.

Human Rights Watch reported in April 2026 that more than 700 political prisoners remained incarcerated in Cuba, including the artist Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara, co-founder of the San Isidro Movement, who was then serving a five-year prison sentence. However, Otero Alcántara was released on July 18, 2026 and left Cuba for Miami, in an exile that human rights organizations described as forced. The artist is no longer incarcerated, although his case continues to serve as an example of the political repression exercised by the Cuban regime against those who publicly challenge the power.

The power of the Castros beyond the presidency

Miguel Díaz-Canel holds the presidency and the first secretariat of the PCC, but the political influence of Raúl Castro and his family circle remains present in the power structure. In July, Elier Ramírez Cañedo, an official of the PCC Central Committee, defended that Raúl Guillermo Rodríguez Castro, Raúl's grandson known as "El Cangrejo," acted as an interlocutor with the United States by decision of "the highest leadership of the country." This is not a position obtained through popular representation in the elections.

This family prominence is added to the influence of the Armed Forces in the economy through the GAESA conglomerate, which manages strategic businesses and whose former leader, General Luis Alberto Rodríguez López-Calleja, was Raúl Castro's son-in-law and the father of Raúl Guillermo. Economists consulted by CiberCuba have described how this business network solidified around military leadership. Its significance raises a question of accountability regarding decisions and resources that impact the entire population.

Without full economic freedom and with unmet basic needs

The constitutional framework itself also limits economic autonomy: its article 18 establishes planned direction of the economy, and article 22 recognizes private property with a "complementary" role. In 2026, the Government expanded some possibilities for private companies, but maintained numerous activities that are prohibited, reserved for the State, or subject to licenses. The lifted prohibitions on 46 activities and reorganized other restrictions, without establishing general freedom to operate in any sector.

Economic limitations are developing as numerous households are unable to meet their essential needs. Human Rights Watch documented prolonged blackouts, shortages of food and medicine, and severe difficulties in accessing healthcare. It cited a survey by the Cuban Observatory of Human Rights conducted between June and July 2025, which found that seven out of ten respondents skipped meals daily. These are data from that period, not a new measurement from October 10, 2026.

The manifesto of 1868 demanded that a free nation with "broader representation" decide its political organization. In contrast, Cuba in 2026 retains an express constitutional prohibition against reforming the irrevocability of its socialist system, while courts and security agencies act against citizens who call for change or publicly question their rulers.

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CiberCuba Editorial Team

A team of journalists committed to reporting on Cuban current affairs and topics of global interest. At CiberCuba, we work to deliver truthful news and critical analysis.

CiberCuba Editorial Team

A team of journalists committed to reporting on Cuban current affairs and topics of global interest. At CiberCuba, we work to deliver truthful news and critical analysis.