
The debate over how Cubans captured while fighting for Russia in Ukraine should be regarded has just taken on a new dimension.
Amnesty International urges the Ukrainian authorities to identify among the foreign prisoners of war potential victims of human trafficking and individually assess their circumstances, a recommendation that could have implications for their eventual release and return to their countries.
The request is outlined in the new report Russia: Trafficking of Foreign Nationals to Fight in Ukraine, published in September, which documents a system for recruiting foreigners that, in numerous cases, is based on deception, coercion, and exploitation of individuals in vulnerable situations.
The research includes testimonies from Cuban citizens captured by Ukraine.
Ukraine had already warned: "They are not mercenaries."
Amnesty's recommendation aligns with a stance that Ukraine made public months ago, which is particularly significant in the case of Cubans.
In April, the official Ukrainian project I Want to Live explained that foreigners captured while serving in the Russian Armed Forces are not prosecuted as mercenaries, but are treated as prisoners of war under the Geneva Conventions.
The reason is their integration into the regular Russian army through military contracts, regardless of their nationality.
“Despite being foreigners, since they were soldiers of the regular Russian army, they are all in Ukraine as prisoners of war and are not held accountable as mercenaries,” the Ukrainian project explained at that time.
The distinction is not merely semantic. Recognition as prisoners of war provides them with the corresponding protections under international humanitarian law and opens the possibility for their inclusion in exchange or repatriation mechanisms.
Amnesty now raises a second issue: some of those prisoners could also be victims of human trafficking.
From Russian fighters to potential trafficking victims
The organization interviewed 15 foreign prisoners from Brazil, Colombia, Cuba, Egypt, Sierra Leone, Sri Lanka, Somalia, and South Africa.
Only three stated that they had consciously signed a military contract understanding that they would be sent to war. Seven claimed that they traveled lured by supposed civilian jobs, while others described circumstances that raise questions about whether their enlistment in the army was truly voluntary.
The testimonies include contracts in Russian that foreigners did not understand, false job offers, promises of high salaries or citizenship, confiscation of passports, movement restrictions, insufficient training, and threats against those who intended to leave the service.
Amnesty states that when there is fraud, coercion, deception, or abuse of a vulnerable situation for exploitative purposes, the fact that a person signed a contract does not necessarily eliminate their status as a victim.
This reasoning is particularly relevant for Cubans, whose cases present very different circumstances.
One of the interviewees by Amnesty, identified as "Ruben," was imprisoned in Russia and facing deportation to Cuba. According to his testimony, in 2025 he was offered the chance to join the army in exchange for not serving the remainder of his sentence, along with a bonus of 800,000 rubles, a monthly salary of 400,000, and the prospect of obtaining a Russian passport.
«I signed the contract because I didn't want to be deported back to Cuba», he explained. Three other Cuban prisoners accepted the proposal. Ruben ended up at the front, was injured twice, and was captured in January 2026.
Another Cuban, "Enrique," acknowledged that he knew he was signing with the Russian Armed Forces, but he claimed that he had been led to believe he would be performing support tasks.
«They told me I would be in a support role, not that I would go to the front lines», he stated to Amnesty.
The cases illustrate why a single label can hardly explain the situation of all Cubans integrated into the Russian army.
Amnesty suggests even considering their release
The report goes beyond calling for a change in how these fighters are described.
Amnesty recommends that Ukraine conduct a case-by-case assessment of foreign prisoners who may have been victims of trafficking and consider, in accordance with Article 21 of the Third Geneva Convention, their potential release on parole or promise and return to their countries.
That analysis would also need to assess whether there are credible suspicions of involvement in serious crimes, security risks, or the likelihood of the individual re-engaging in the conflict.
The organization also demands access to consular assistance, communication with families, and mechanisms that allow for the voluntary return of those who are released, without sending them to countries where they may face persecution or serious human rights violations.
Kenya and Peru take action while Havana leaves Cubans in limbo
Amnesty's recommendation also places responsibilities on the countries of origin.
The organization requests consular assistance for its citizens who are detained, missing, or prisoners of war, cooperation with Russia and Ukraine, and intervention to facilitate the return of those who may have been victims of trafficking.
Some governments have already taken action. Kenya acknowledged the recruitment of hundreds of its citizens, repatriated dozens, investigated recruitment networks, shut down over 600 employment agencies, and announced an amnesty to facilitate the return of those who were still at the front.
Peru, for its part, has made efforts regarding its nationals who are dead or missing, while its embassy facilitated the return of ten citizens, according to the report by Amnesty itself.
The response from Havana has been very different. In 2023, following the initial reports, it announced the dismantling of a human trafficking network and the arrest of 17 suspects. Months later, it became known that some had been released, without subsequent public trials, sentences, or a conclusive assessment of that investigation.
The recruitment, meanwhile, continued to be documented. In 2025, when the evidence indicated a much larger dimension of the phenomenon, the deputy foreign minister Carlos Fernández de Cossío denied any state responsibility once again and asserted that Cuba had already reported the issue and taken measures.
The lack of more active public action has consequences for the captive Cubans. Ukraine considers them prisoners of war, not mercenaries, but has warned of Russia's limited interest in repatriating many foreign fighters.
If Moscow does not prioritize them in exchanges and Havana also does not intervene to seek alternatives, they may remain in limbo for a long time.
The contrast with Kenya and Peru is now more significant: Amnesty not only calls for an investigation into how these foreigners were recruited but also demands that their countries of origin protect them and help find a way out for those who may have been victims of trafficking.
A particularly complex problem for Cubans
Ukraine had also warned about another obstacle: the situation of foreign captives when Russia shows little interest in recovering them.
Quiero Vivir stated in April that Moscow is reluctant to negotiate for these combatants and pointed out that foreigners may find themselves in a limbo without sufficient political or diplomatic support. In the case of Cuba, CiberCuba then highlighted the lack of effective public action from Havana to facilitate the return of its captive citizens.
The new report also changes the approach that has been used for years to discuss the so-called "Cuban mercenaries."
Previous investigations have documented more than a thousand citizens from the Island enlisted in Russian forces, including cases of individuals drawn in by money, citizenship, or false job promises.
But neither the circumstances nor the responsibilities are necessarily the same for everyone.
A foreigner can legally be a member of the Russian army and, therefore, a prisoner of war when captured, while at the same time there are indications that they joined that army as a victim of trafficking.
It is precisely that distinction that Amnesty is now urging Ukraine to investigate on a case-by-case basis.
For the captive Cubans, the question is no longer just whether they should be called "mercenaries." The new question is much more relevant to their future: how many actually went to fight of their own free will and how many ended up in the Russian trenches after being deceived, coerced, or exploited.
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